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Noun phrases (NPs) are canonically headed by a nominal element (e.g., N, NPR, PRO, WPRO, etc.) but Q, QN, and NUMCLP also head NPs. An NP without an overt head is assumed to have an empty nominal head. This situation is seen with what is sometimes referred to as N-bar deletion (or “truncated possessive phrase”), where the empty head is not explicitly included in the annotation, but is implicit in the NP that it projects.
(194)
3番目のカップルは友人同士です
( (IP-MAT (PP (NP (IP-REL (NP-SBJ *T*)
(NP-PRD (NUMCLP (NUM 3)
(CL 番目)))
(AX の))
(N カップル))
(P は))
(NP-SBJ *)
(NP-PRD (N 友人)
(N 同士))
(AX です))
(ID 46_ted_talk_8))
(195)
三番目のにも仁王はいなかった。
( (IP-MAT (PP (NP (IP-REL (NP-SBJ *T*)
(NP-PRD (NUMCLP (NUM 三)
(CL 番目)))
(AX の)))
(P に)
(P も))
(PP (NP (NPR 仁王))
(P は))
(NP-SBJ *)
(VB い)
(NEG なかっ)
(AXD た)
(PU 。))
(ID 387_aozora_Natsume-1908))
All noun phrases immediately dominated by IP are marked for function. Such noun phrases are discussed in sections 18.1--18.11. Other contexts may include NPs without functional information. These are discussed in section 18.12.
As a general principle (noted in section 5, every IP has a subject, and every subject/predicate pair projects an IP. Sentences that appear not to have subjects are supplied with null element subject (NP-SBJ *exp*) (see section 6.1).
The principle that all IPs have subjects (either expressed by phrasal categories or determined by control) is not intended to be a claim about Japanese clause structure in general. Requiring fully saturated argument structures simplifies the model and serves as one way to check accuracy of annotation. Using (NP-SBJ *exp*) involves the judgments of native speaking annotators, rendering “subjectless sentences” easily searchable and accessible for evaluation, given that (NP-SBJ *exp*) distingushes them from controllees.
Accordingly, an IP that is not a potential control environment (viz. IP-MAT, IP-SUB, IP-IMP, IP-REL) always contains a subject NP: either an NP inside a PP immediately followed by (NP-SBJ *) disambiguation information, or an NP-SBJ directly under that IP. The latter of course can be a zero pronoun as in the example above (see section 6.1), but the phrasal category is always included.
An IP that is potential control environment (viz. IP-ADV, IP-SMC, IP-EMB) does not contain an NP-SBJ if an immediate upstairs argument controls into that IP. See sections (26, 27) for examples of the implementation.
Note well: It is not the case that every element marked as NP-SBJ is actually a subject of the local predicate. In a context where NP-SBJ precedes and is sister to NP-SBJ2, in fact NP-SBJ2 is interpreted as the subject of the predicate that heads the containing clause. See section 18.2 for more discussion. An exhaustive search of subjects with expressed with nodes would thus require excluding NP-SBJ when it is sister to NP-SBJ2, and including NP-SBJ2 in its place.
There is a common sentence type in Japanese called a “double subject sentence”:
(196)
神戸は夜景がきれいだ。
‘The night view is pretty in Kobe.’
( (IP-MAT (PP (NP (NPR 神戸))
(P は))
(NP-SBJ *)
(PP (NP (N 夜景))
(P が))
(NP-SBJ2 *が*)
(ADJN きれい)
(AX だ)
(PU 。))
(ID 762_textbook_kisonihongo))
In the example above, both は and が mark NPs that are annotated as grammatical subjects. The second subject (closest to the predicate) is interpreted as having a simple subject role with regard to the predicate, independent of other factors. The first (leftmost) subject is dependent on a relationship with either the second subject, or with the predicate, or with the predication that these two form (discussed in detail below). According to our annotation framework, the first subject (regardless of its particle marking) is tagged as SBJ, and the second が-marked subject is assigned the label SBJ2. As arguments, either can function as a controller in a superordinate clause. In a subordinate clause, a controllee can occupy either position in a control structure.
In non-relative clauses, a non-focus first subject is typically marked with a toritate particle such as は, も, なら, だって, etc. A further characteristic of this construction is that the first subject can be marked with が given the right context, either in a relative clause
or with some special focus.
Sentences of this kind are subdivided into at least three types depending on the relationships that obtain between NP-SBJ, NP-SBJ2, and the predicate. (see 日本語記述文法研究会 2009, vol. 5, pp. 186-189). (The distinction between these types is not specified in the annotation, but an awareness of the types is useful for recognising the general construction.)
In the first type of double subject sentence, the first は-marked subject can be construed as the nominal complement of the second が-marked subject. Therefore, a sentence ‘A は B が C (だ)' can be converted into ‘A の B が C (だ)' without essentially changing the meaning. For example,
Note that the sentence, 料金はS席が5千円だ cannot be paraphrased as 料金のS席が5千円だ . We assume, however, in this sentence too, the whole-part relationship between 料金 and S席 lays the foundation for this sentence pattern.
The second type is formed on a nominal predicate, where the first subject can be construed as the complement of the noun that occurs as predicate. In other words, ‘A は B が C だ’ is almost equal to ‘B が A の C だ’. Typically the head of the nominal predicate denotes some crucial or integral aspect of NP-SBJ in these sentences. Here are examples:
In the third type, the first subject does not stand in any particular grammatical relationship to the second subject or to the predicate individually, but has a relationship to predication that the pair forms For example,
In this sentence, このにおいは has no relationship to ガス or to 漏れている in terms of complement relation or grammatical role, but has a summational relation to the predication they form.
The double subject construction is so robust in Japanese that a null NP-SBJ is construable when it is relativised, or controlled by an NP in the matrix clause or retrievable from context. In the example below, The speaker is NP-SBJ of the IP-MAT, while at the same time functioning as controller into the IP-ADV.
(197)
実家が塩釜の海産物屋なので、浜のにおいの中で育った。
( (IP-MAT (NP-SBJ *speaker*)
(PP (IP-ADV (PP (NP (N 実家))
(P が))
(NP-SBJ2 *が*)
(NP-PRD (PP (NP (N 塩釜))
(P の))
(N 海産物屋))
(AX な))
(P ので))
(SCON *)
(PU 、)
(PP (NP (PP (NP (PP (NP (N 浜))
(P の))
(N におい))
(P の))
(N 中))
(P で))
(VB 育っ)
(AXD た)
(PU 。))
(ID 33_news_KAHOKU_303))
A careful distinction must be made between this kind of sentence and sentences with predicates that call for a が-marked NP-OB1. As explained in section 9.2 in some detail, in constructions with が-marked NP-OB1, the NP-OB1 can be left unexpressed and the NP-SBJ is still interpretable as a subject of the predicate. In most double subject sentences, however, the NP-SBJ is not simply interpretable as a subject of the predicate. Furthermore, only a limited number of predicates subcategorise for a が-marked object, whereas there is hardly any restriction on the type of predicate in a double subject construction, provided that the relevance of the NP-SBJ can be drawn.
Note that there are constructions of the type exemplified below which do not fit into any of the categories listed above and seem to be derived from topicalisation and left-shifting of the first NP plus exhaustive focus marking on the second NP:
It is not clear whether these should be treated as double subject sentences.
It is also a well known fact that triple and quadruple subject sentences are possible: 日本は女性は平均寿命が長い。 The question of how many NPs may be assigned subject status in one clause is another question that needs to be addressed.
Also note that the definition of the first type of double subject sentence is satisfied by constructions with so-called “transitive verb ある”, but our annotation treats the second が-marked argument for these constructions as NP-OB1. These constructions are therefore multiply defined, our policy being thus ambiguous with respect to them.
NP-LGS is used to mark the logical subject in passives, see section 30.7.
(198)
「私も世の中に認められ始めたんだ」
( (IP-MAT (-LRB- 「)
(PP (NP (PRO 私))
(P も))
(NP-SBJ *)
(PP (NP (N 世の中))
(P に))
(NP-LGS *に*)
(VB 認め)
(PASS られ)
(VB2 始め)
(AXD た)
(FN ん)
(AX だ)
(-RRB- 」))
(ID 200_aozora_Yuki-1-2000))
Note that while in causative constructions, the “demoted” subject is technically a に-marked logical subject, similar to that in passives, nevertheless, as it can undergo passivization in other contexts, it is annoted as NP-OB1.
The non-subject argument of a two-place predicate is labeled NP-OB1.
(199)
太郎が花子を叱った。
( (IP-MAT (PP (NP (NPR 太郎))
(P が))
(NP-SBJ *が*)
(PP (NP (NPR 花子))
(P を))
(NP-OB1 *を*)
(VB 叱っ)
(AXD た)
(PU 。))
(ID 1796_misc_JSeM_beta_150530))
Recognising non-subject arguments is not always simple. A NP that denotes a path with respect to two different predicates may be an adjunct of one (e.g., 山を歩く) but an argument of the other (e.g. 山を越える). Setting aside toritate particles, the particle with which a non-subject argument is marked depends to a great extent on the nature of the predicate it relates to:
An を-marked object of a three-place predicate is labeled NP-OB1.
(200)
私は、そのハガキをＷ君に送った。
( (IP-MAT (PP (NP (PRO 私))
(P は))
(NP-SBJ *)
(PU 、)
(PP (NP (D その)
(N ハガキ))
(P を))
(NP-OB1 *を*)
(PP (NP (NPR Ｗ君))
(P に))
(NP-OB2 *に*)
(VB 送っ)
(AXD た)
(PU 。))
(ID 40_aozora_Dazai-1-1940))
As pointed out in section 7.1.1, there is at present no criteria for distinguishing between NP-OB1 and NP-OB2 other than the rule of thumb that を-marked non-subject nominal arguments in three-place predicates are assigned the label NP-OB1. In actual practice, almost all other NP-OB1s in three-place predications either involve complex particles (について, をもって) or bare NP arguments.
The secondary non-subject argument of three-place predicate is labeled NP-OB2 (See also example (200)).
(201)
／震災や原発事故、地域再生誰に託す
( (CP-QUE (PU ／)
(IP-SUB (NP-SBJ *pro*)
(NP-OB1 (CONJP (NP (N 震災))
(P や))
(CONJP (NP (N 原発事故)))
(PU 、)
(NP (N 地域再生)))
(PP (NP (WPRO 誰))
(P に))
(NP-OB2 *に*)
(VB 託す)))
(ID 2_news_KAHOKU_28))
As a rule of thumb, for a predication with two non-subject arguments, if one of the arguments either is or can potentially be marked with を, the other is assigned the label NP-OB2.
A bare NP indicating location is labeled NP-LOC.
(202)
両親は子供をあちこち連れ回した．
( (IP-MAT (PP (NP (N 両親))
(P は))
(NP-SBJ *)
(PP (NP (N 子供))
(P を))
(NP-OB1 *を*)
(NP-LOC (PRO あちこち))
(VB 連れ回し)
(AXD た)
(PU ．))
(ID 1801_dict_vv-lexicon))
If such an expression is accompanied by a particle, the NP is left bare as the complement of the particle, but disambiguation information in the form of (NP-LOC *) is supplied immediately following.
(203)
しかし部屋の中は薄明りがさしている。
( (IP-MAT (CONJ しかし)
(PP-LOC (NP (PP (NP (N 部屋))
(P の))
(N 中))
(P は))
(PP (NP (N 薄明り))
(P が))
(NP-SBJ *が*)
(VB さし)
(P て)
(VB2 いる)
(PU 。))
(ID 247_aozora_Mori-1912))
If an NP refers to a distance or distribution along the dimension of space, and the denotation of the NP is coextensive with the event or action denoted by the predicate, the NP is labelled NP-ADV (e.g., 熱帯林の蔓が一夜にして(NP-ADV 30センチ) 伸びることもある; (NP-ADV 局地) 豪雨の恐れがあります). See section 18.9 for details.
At the sentence level, adverbial bare noun phrases expressing extent or distribution on the dimension of time are labeled NP-MSR if they are purely adverbial (i.e., if they do not quantify another NP, but only modify their local predicate). If the duration denoted by the adverbial NP and the duration of the event or state denoted by the predicate are co-extensive, the adverbial NP is lablelled NP-MSR. Specifically, the end of the duration denoted by an NP-MSR implies a change of state or end of event. If a time-referring NP does not carry that implication (or if an implication is defeased), the NP is labelled NP-TMP (see section 18.8). Frequency-denoting NPs are in general treated as NP-MSR.
(204)
二日つづけて酒を呑んだのである。
( (IP-MAT (NP-SBJ *speaker*)
(IP-ADV (NP-SBJ *exp*)
(NP-MSR (NUMCLP (NUM 二)
(CL 日)))
(VB つづけ)
(P て))
(SCON *)
(PP (NP (N 酒))
(P を))
(NP-OB1 *を*)
(VB 呑ん)
(AXD だ)
(FN の)
(AX で)
(VB2 ある)
(PU 。))
(ID 3_aozora_Dazai-1-1940))
(205)
私は、もう少しここで待とう、と考えていた。
‘I was thinking I would wait here a little longer.’
( (IP-MAT (PP (NP (PRO 私))
(P は))
(NP-SBJ *)
(PU 、)
(CP-THT (IP-SUB (NP-SBJ *speaker*)
(NP-MSR (ADV もう)
(Q 少し))
(PP (NP (PRO ここ))
(P で))
(VB 待と)
(MD う))
(PU 、)
(P と))
(VB 考え)
(P て)
(VB2 い)
(AXD た)
(PU 。))
(ID 1088_textbook_kisonihongo))
(206)
私は、途中で一度、悪い夢を見た。
( (IP-MAT (PP (NP (PRO 私))
(P は))
(NP-SBJ *)
(PU 、)
(PP (NP (N 途中))
(P で))
(NP-MSR (NUMCLP (NUM 一)
(CL 度)))
(PU 、)
(PP (NP (IP-REL (NP-SBJ *T*)
(ADJI 悪い))
(N 夢))
(P を))
(NP-OB1 *を*)
(VB 見)
(AXD た)
(PU 。))
(ID 423_aozora_Dazai-2-1940))
(207)
そうして輪の上を何遍も廻った。
( (IP-MAT (NP-SBJ *pro*)
(CONJ そうして)
(PP (NP (PP (NP (N 輪))
(P の))
(N 上))
(P を))
(NP-OB1 *を*)
(PP-MSR (NP (NUMCLP (WNUM 何)
(CL 遍)))
(P も))
(VB 廻っ)
(AXD た)
(PU 。))
(ID 267_aozora_Natsume-1908))
If such an expression is accompanied by a particle, the NP is left bare as the complement of the particle, but disambiguation information in the form of (NP-MSR *) is supplied immediately following.
(208)
車避難について町内会で何度も話し合っている。
( (IP-MAT (NP-SBJ *speaker+pro*)
(PP (NP (N 車避難))
(P について))
(PP (NP (N 町内会))
(P で))
(PP-MSR (NP (NUMCLP (WNUM 何)
(CL 度)))
(P も))
(VB 話し合っ)
(P て)
(VB2 いる)
(PU 。))
(ID 60_news_KAHOKU_74))
For adverbial expressions denoting extent or distribution along the dimension of space, see section 18.9.
NPs denoting units of time (1970年, 土曜日, 今日, etc.) at or during which an event occurs or a state obtains are labeled NP-TMP if the unit of time does not delimit the event or state.
(209)
1970年、大阪で万国博覧会が開かれた。
‘An Expo was held in Osaka in 1970.’
( (IP-MAT (NP-TMP (NUMCLP (NUM 1970)
(CL 年)))
(PU 、)
(PP (NP (NPR 大阪))
(P で))
(PP (NP (N 万国博覧会))
(P が))
(NP-SBJ *が*)
(VB 開か)
(PASS れ)
(AXD た)
(PU 。))
(ID 269_textbook_kisonihongo))
(210)
先週の土曜日、街で昔の友人に会った。
‘I met an old friend of mine in town last Saturday.’
( (IP-MAT (NP-SBJ *pro*)
(NP-TMP (PP (NP (N 先週))
(P の))
(N 土曜日))
(PU 、)
(PP (NP (N 街))
(P で))
(PP (NP (PP (NP (N 昔))
(P の))
(N 友人))
(P に))
(VB 会っ)
(AXD た)
(PU 。))
(ID 270_textbook_kisonihongo))
For negations and other stative predicates, disambiguation may seem more difficult at times, but it is useful to remember that the end of the duration denoted by an NP-MSR (see section 18.7 for details) implies a change of state or end of event, whereas this usually is not the case with an NP-TMP.
(211)
今日は、誰にも会わない。
‘I am not going to see anyone today.’
( (IP-MAT (NP-SBJ *pro*)
(PP-TMP (NP (N 今日))
(P は))
(PU 、)
(PP (NP (WPRO 誰))
(P に)
(P も))
(VB 会わ)
(NEG ない)
(PU 。))
(ID 95_textbook_kisonihongo))
If a combination of expressions “measure out” an event, the expressions are treated as NP-MSRs:
If such an expression is accompanied by a particle, the NP is left bare as the complement of the particle, but disambiguation information in the form of (NP-TMP *) is supplied immediately following.
Bare NPs that function adverbially are labeled NP-ADV unless they fall into any other category such as NP-TMP, NP-LOC, NP-MSR, etc. Below are just a few examples.
(212)
そうしてもう少し行けば分るように思える。
( (IP-MAT (NP-SBJ *speaker*)
(NP-OB1 *pro*)
(CONJ そうして)
(IP-SMC (NP-PRD (IP-EMB (NP-SBJ *speaker*)
(IP-ADV (NP-ADV (ADV もう)
(Q 少し))
(VB 行け)
(P ば))
(CND *)
(NP-OB1 *pro*)
(VB 分る))
(N よう))
(AX に))
(VB 思える)
(PU 。))
(ID 205_aozora_Natsume-1908))
(213)
沿線には大学が多いため学生利用が多い。
‘There are many colleges along this line, so many students use it.’
( (IP-MAT (NP-ADV (IP-EMB (PP (NP (N 沿線))
(P に)
(P は))
(PP (NP (N 大学))
(P が))
(NP-SBJ *が*)
(ADJI 多い))
(N ため))
(PP (NP (N 学生利用))
(P が))
(NP-SBJ *が*)
(ADJI 多い)
(PU 。))
(ID 7_wikipedia_KYOTO_19))
(214)
よって、そのとおり決まりました。
( (IP-MAT (NP-SBJ *pro*)
(CONJ よって)
(PU 、)
(NP-ADV (D その)
(N とおり))
(VB 決まり)
(AX まし)
(AXD た)
(PU 。))
(ID 14_diet_kaigiroku-11))
If such an expression is accompanied by a particle, the NP is left bare as the complement of the particle. No further disambiguation information is necessary.
(215)
教科書の指示のとおりに実験を行った。
‘He did the experiment according to the instruction of the textbook.’
( (IP-MAT (NP-SBJ *pro*)
(PP (NP (PP (NP (PP (NP (N 教科書))
(P の))
(N 指示))
(P の))
(N とおり))
(P に))
(PP (NP (N 実験))
(P を))
(NP-OB1 *を*)
(VB 行っ)
(AXD た)
(PU 。))
(ID 84_textbook_kisonihongo))
Vocative expressions are labeled NP-VOC.
(15)
「先生、もうお忘れですか？」
( (CP-QUE (-LRB- 「)
(IP-SUB (NP-VOC (N 先生))
(PU 、)
(NP-SBJ *hearer*)
(ADVP (ADV もう))
(VB お忘れ)
(AX です))
(P か)
(PU ？)
(-RRB- 」))
(ID 92_aozora_Hayashida-2015))
(217)
『芳一！』
( (FRAG (-LRB- 『)
(NP-VOC (NPR 芳一))
(PU ！)
(-RRB- 』))
(ID 42_aozora_Togawa-1937))
(218)
……芳一、まア喜べ！――
( (IP-IMP (PU ……)
(NP-VOC (NPR 芳一))
(CLEAN *VOC*)
(NP-SBJ *hearer*)
(PU 、)
(INTJ まア)
(VB 喜べ)
(PU ！――))
(ID 227_aozora_Togawa-1937))
See also 23.3 for discussion on NP-VOC in imperative sentences.
A は-marked noun phrase that has no clearly defined function within the sentence is usually labeled NP-TPC.
(219)
自分も確にこれは死ぬなと思った。
( (IP-MAT (PP (NP (PRO 自分))
(P も))
(NP-SBJ *)
(CP-THT (CP-FINAL (IP-SUB (NP-SBJ *pro*)
(ADVP (ADJN 確)
(AX に))
(PP-TPC (NP (PRO これ))
(P は))
(VB 死ぬ))
(P な))
(P と))
(VB 思っ)
(AXD た)
(PU 。))
(ID 10_aozora_Natsume-1908))
If the role of a は-marked NP can specified, then dismabiguation information such as (NP-SBJ *) or (NP-TMP *) etc. is supplied.
Here it is necessary to specify how to disambiguate a double subject construction from a topic construction. Given the definition of NP-TPC above, NP-SBJ in a double subject construction is a subclass of NP-TPC characterized by (i) dependency upon a relationship with either the independent subject NP-SBJ2, or the predicate, or the subject/predicate pair, and (ii) ability to itself be marked by particle が in certain contexts (specifically, in relative clauses and in exhaustive focus contexts). は-marked nominal expressions that don't satisfy these conditions are marked NP-TPC.
The bare label NP is used for NPs without any of the above functions. These include:
The topmost NP of a conjoined NP is labeled by function if necessary. The individual NP conjuncts are never marked for function.
NPs meant to be interpreted at a remote position are labeled NP and coindexed with a trace at the site of interpretation. Examples include “afterthoughts” (see section 33.4, in which an element that is presupposed or retrievable from context is appended to the end of an utterance as a clarification. If necessary, the function of the NP is indicated on the trace, rather than on the overt NP.
(220)
世界を動かしますそれ！
( (CP-FINAL (IP-SUB (NP-SBJ *ICH*-1)
(PP (NP (N 世界))
(P を))
(NP-OB1 *を*)
(VB 動かし)
(AX ます))
(NP-1 (PRO それ))
(PU ！))
(ID 91_ted_talk_7))
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| Section 17 |  |
Section 19 |